Counter-UAS: Poland builds its drone wall with SAN – despite the veto against the SAFE billions

Poland is currently building one of the most modern and comprehensive counter-UAS systems. It is to be integrated as the lowest layer of national air defence – but even while it is still being set up, it has caused considerable political turbulence.

Veto from the Presidential Palace

Poles have, of course, grown used to the constant dispute between the Presidential Palace and the government. Andrzej Duda, who held the office of head of state until August last year, was already regarded as a kind of “veto machine”. From 2023 onwards, he put a number of fundamental projects of Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s coalition on ice, above all reforms of the judicial system. On security and defence policy, however, the two major camps – the national-conservative Law and Justice party (PiS) and the liberal-conservative Civic Platform (PO) – were largely in line. No other member state of the EU and NATO feels as threatened by an aggressive Russia as Poland. For the population, defence, including armament, has priority, and the parties take this into account.

Against this background, the policy of Karol Nawrocki, who has been president for almost a year, stands out all the more. In his attempts to undermine government projects, he goes further than Duda. Not even defence, and with it the country’s security, appears to be taboo for Nawrocki, who is close to PiS.

The president justified what is probably his most consequential veto so far as follows:

“I will never sign a law that undermines our sovereignty, independence and our economic and military security”— Karol Nawrocki, President of Poland

With this argument, Nawrocki prevented the Polish SAFE law from being implemented in March. Behind the acronym SAFE – “Security Action for Europe” – is an EU programme for defence procurement through which Brussels grants individual EU states low-interest loans.

Poland should in fact have benefited from the programme by far the most: 44 billion euros had been earmarked for Warsaw, with the money to flow directly into defence procurement. By comparison, the second-largest recipient of SAFE funds is Romania, with loans of 16.7 billion euros. The PiS camp mobilised against SAFE. It disparages the programme as an EU programme; individual PiS politicians and media close to them also claim that it would mainly benefit the German defence industry. As far as Poland is concerned, they have yet to present the public with conclusive evidence for this. SAFE has thus become part of the political game in Poland – in the middle of the conflict between Nawrocki and the Tusk government.

For the Polish government, the veto against participation in the programme is a heavy blow – as it is for the domestic defence industry, which had already been counting on the EU billions.

Counter-UAS system SAN: financing without EU loans

The affair has a particularly adverse effect on SAN, the counter-drone system Poland is currently building. The Polish acronym stands for “anti-drone system”. As recently as January, Prime Minister Tusk had spoken of a “historic moment” in this context at a contract signing with representatives of Polish industry in Kobylka, a municipality near Warsaw.

“I never use this expression lightly”— Donald Tusk, Prime Minister

“but today we are truly witnessing an absolute breakthrough as regards the effective defence of the Polish, the European and NATO’s eastern border.”— Donald Tusk, Prime Minister

Poland, Tusk continued, was not only strengthening its own security but also setting new standards for future counter-drone systems within NATO.

Regardless of Nawrocki’s veto against the EU billions, SAN will come – there is no doubt about that. The acquisitions will not, however, be paid for from the planned EU loans. This may cause schedules to slip or make savings necessary elsewhere in the budget. SAN itself is not being called into question – from the perspective of the military and the government, the project is too important for that.

More than 700 systems in 18 operational batteries

The rest of Europe is also following events in Poland closely. The superlatives Tusk used in January are entirely justified: with SAN, the government in Warsaw is launching the most modern and extensive air defence system specifically against drones in all of Europe. It is to be operational this year, even if costs have to be reallocated to achieve this. Expenditure amounts to the equivalent of around 3.5 billion euros.

SAN consists of mobile systems, radars and so-called effectors deployed along the eastern and north-eastern border. In total, it involves more than 700 systems in 18 operational batteries. This was confirmed by Cezary Tomczyk, Deputy Minister of Defence, who is responsible within the government for building the “East Shield” – the military defence architecture in the east of the country into which SAN will be integrated.

Poland thus once again seems to be forging ahead while other European states are still debating the legal framework for counter-drone defence. No other large NATO country is arming as heavily: in 2024 and 2025, Poland spent more than four per cent of its economic output on defence, and this year the share is set to rise to five per cent. The country already fields the third-largest armed forces within NATO, after the USA and Türkiye.

Poland sees itself as NATO’s frontline state

There are several reasons why Warsaw is pushing the pace and why SAN stands out from programmes in partner countries. The most important: whether in Berlin or Paris, Vienna or Madrid – nowhere does a political decision-maker consider it necessary to secure their own country’s borders the way Poland does.

“Poland is – and we keep stressing this in talks with our partners in Europe and the USA – NATO’s frontline state in Europe. That is why we bear certain costs, but we accept this role and bear responsibility”— Deputy Defence Minister Cezary Tomczyk

Warsaw is convinced that, if Russia escalated its war against Ukraine, it would attack Poland or a Baltic state first. Poland is already increasingly exposed to hybrid attacks, including sabotage, espionage, disinformation campaigns and cyberattacks. Russian aerial vehicles have repeatedly entered Polish airspace; in September 2025, there were as many as 19 Russian drones at once. They remained there for more than seven hours before Polish and Dutch F-16 and F-35 jets shot them down. Warsaw airport was closed and the population in the east was told to stay at home.

Massed drone attacks are therefore no abstract threat for Poland. It is equally clear that defence must be cheaper than scrambling state-of-the-art aircraft that fire missiles costing millions. This experience is the reason why SAN is now being realised in what amounts to a tour de force.

That this can succeed is not only due to the broad awareness of the threat posed by Russia. Long before the Russian attack on the whole of Ukraine, Poland had already begun to modernise its armed forces.

“Drones are one thing, but the fact is that Poland has been investing heavily in air defence for years. We see how important that is. If Ukraine could turn back time, the country would have invested much more in air defence, at all levels”— Cezary Tomczyk

Because of its proximity to the theatre of war in Ukraine, Poland sees itself as particularly at risk, but at the same time its army and industry benefit from the exchange with the Ukrainians.

Wisla, Narew, Pilica – and SAN below them

Poland already operates several air defence programmes. Wisla is based on Patriot batteries and is to intercept missiles at distances of up to one hundred kilometres; the layers below are formed by Narew and Pilica, as well as Pilica Plus for close-in protection. Poland is spending between fifty and sixty billion euros on them. The lowest layer is SAN – the counter-drone system.

A defining feature is the industrial focus. Wisla and Narew are being implemented together with the USA and the United Kingdom, whereas for SAN the government is ordering predominantly from Polish industry. At the centre is the state-controlled defence conglomerate PGZ, which has taken the lead in implementation. An important role is also played by APS, a Polish sensor and radar company from the Baltic port city of Gdynia.

The only major foreign project partner is Kongsberg Gruppen, Norway’s largest defence company. It supplies the effector systems: guns for engaging drones or drone swarms, as well as guided missiles and interceptor drones. However, Kongsberg Gruppen does not deliver complete systems – the components are supplied and integrated with sensors from APS or PGZ. The Norwegians have also agreed to manufacture a certain share of their elements in Poland.

By contrast, one system element nicknamed the “Monster from Tarnow” is built entirely in Poland. Until then only experts knew the device; then the gun caused a stir on the internet, and several Polish media outlets reported on it. It is a Gatling gun for counter-drone defence, manufactured by Zaklady Mechaniczne Tarnow in the southern Polish city of the same name. The company is part of the PGZ conglomerate, which holds industrial leadership for SAN.

More than sixty per cent of value added in the country

“If we look solely at SAN, i.e. counter-drone defence, more than sixty per cent of the value added goes to Polish industry”— Deputy Defence Minister Cezary Tomczyk

“The first batteries will be financed from the Polish state budget.”— Deputy Defence Minister Cezary Tomczyk

SAFE funds had originally been earmarked for the subsequent acquisitions; this would have covered 90 per cent of SAN. Now the government has to reallocate – and it is certain that it will do so. For it, counter-drone defence is of the utmost importance.